A social care lottery just won't work
In City AM, Cato’s Ryan Bourne makes a free market case for the Tories’ original plan for social care. The plan was to continue the current system, where a person must pay for their own care until their assets fall to £23,500, after which the taxpayer does so – but raising that floor to £100,000, including housing wealth in the measure, and allowing people to defer payments until after their death. They now want to include a cap on how much any individual can spend before the state steps in and pays for the rest.
What Brexit means for Ireland
As the ASI’s resident Irishman, I was asked to speak at an event at the Irish Embassy yesterday to consider, among other things, what sort of impact Brexit will have on Ireland and the Irish people. Although Ireland is small, its destiny matters to Britain. Ireland is the United Kingdom’s only land neighbour, Northern Ireland is still unstable, 5.1% of British exports go to Ireland (nearly as many as the 5.7% that go to France), half a million people born in the Republic of Ireland live in the UK, and six million Brits have at least one Irish grandparent.
Inequality doesn’t matter: a primer
So Jeremy Corbyn’s talking about inequality. His ideas might be a little silly, but at least he’s talking about inequality, right?
Well, no – inequality probably isn’t something we should worry about at all. The fact that Corbyn's policy is solely designed to make the rich poorer just shows what a pointless measure inequality actually is.
Most people use it as a shorthand for living standards for poor and average-income workers, but inequality measures are just as sensitive to the incomes of the people at the top as the bottom. That means that if everyone becomes worse off, but people at the top become even worse off than the rest, then inequality falls. That’s what happened during the Great Recession, where inequality (as measured by the “Gini coefficient”) actually fell.